Mariam Mokhtar
Aug 23, 10
If Tunku Abdul Rahman were alive today, he would weep at the destruction of bridges he had built between the races in Malaysia.
In a speech to the Foreign Correspondents Association in May 1961, he warned us about “a small minority who did not think, feel, believe and work for the good of Malaya”. Referring to national unity, he said: “This goal would not be achieved if the Chinese continued to think and talk of everything Chinese.”
Ironically, some Malays and a misguided Chinese convert have let the Tunku down, while the non-Malays have embraced his vision wholeheartedly.
The Tunku was passionate about loyalty: “We, who are here, have only our little Malaya. The Chinese, Malays and others have to make the best of our home here. Malaya, our one and only home”. He explained that without unity, "there would be conflict and hell will break loose”.
Fast forward to 2010 and the two school principals who allegedly told their Chinese students to "return to China". They've aped the anti-Chinese rhetoric of Ibrahim Ali, Ahmad Ismail and Ridhuan Tee Abdullah. They are egged-on by a former prime minister, who refuses to retire gracefully, and whose constant meddling will destroy this country.
Not content at being sidelined, Information, Communication and Culture Minister Rais Yatim has condemned the MCA president for demanding the gradual reduction of the 30 percent bumiputera economic equity.
However, let's forget about 30 percent bumiputera equity.
Let's imagine a 'Ketuanan Melayu Utopia' with 100 percent Malay bumiputera equity, with all the Chinese 'banished' to China and the Indians to India.
Will we be socially, economically, morally and religiously content, in Malay brotherhood?
In this Utopia, will the handful of individuals who used to control the wealth of the nation, relinquish their economic stranglehold and share it?
Their actions could eradicate poverty across the country and lift the economic status of the Malays, especially the rural Malays.
But I doubt that they will give up control and power.
Will the government-linked companies or the companies 'belonging' to powerful politicians share projects with the other 97 percent of the population? Would projects be put to open tender? Would the Ali Baba companies that used to exist be disbanded? Or will clones of these Ali Baba firms emerge?
Lifestyle changes?
How will our schools fare? Teachers, especially principals, need not go into racist rants. Will bullying and harassment manifest itself in other forms?
Out will go the subject called 'Moral' for the non-Malays. Sports, especially for girls, would probably cease; Westernised activities like boy-scouts or girl-guides would stop.
As music is anathema to Muslim teachings, unless they are nasyid songs, students who appreciate music and want to learn a musical instrument would have to stop harbouring foolish ideas.
There will be even less emphasis on English. A nephew at a Mara boarding school tried to improve his English, by speaking English to his friends. Unfortunately, both his schoolmates and teachers teased him, "Kamu-ni action-nya, nak jadi Mat-Salleh kah?" (Why are you showing off, do you want to be a Westerner?) so he stopped.
With universities attended and staffed by Malays only, standards should be expected to rise, because there is no competition to slow them down and distract them.
With this new Ketuanan Melayu Utopia, there will be open season on polygamy. Men will be able to marry whenever and whoever they like. There will be no equality for women.
A man can opt to marry girls as soon as they reach the age of puberty. He can get around the laws prohibiting sex with a minor, by marrying in Malacca. When he tires of her, there is always the option of a second, third or fourth wife.
He need not worry about his children's welfare, or breakdown of the family-unit, as the courts rarely enforce maintenance payments. Women being responsible mothers, will always work harder, to subsidise his lifestyle and support his family.
Places that used to sell alcohol, and entertainment establishments like nightclubs or karaoke bars, will cease to exist and 'social ills' should disappear. The 'moral police' who used to look for drinkers like Kartika, may be downsized. Unemployment figures could rise as a result.
Will the khalwat squads still turn a blind eye to immoral VIPs? Having a 100 percent Malay nation will not stop illicit sex.
As there will be no more Gregorian New Year and Valentine's day celebrations, there will be no more abandoned babies.
How will the Malays decide between employment in the cushy civil service or a job in the private sector? Will the government machinery become leaner and more efficient?
Identity, cultural crises
With religious fervor, will the Malays become fully Arabicised or Islamicised? Our Malay architectural heritage has long been abandoned for Arabic domes.
The kebaya has been usurped by the jubah. Tudung or mini-telekung have replaced ordinary head scarves. Even Malay men parade in white Arab robes. War memorials are banned and logos on football jerseys are subject to scrutiny.
Malay weddings have long since become politically correct and institutionalised. Apart from the customary vulgar display of wealth, there is no more joget or mingling among guests. Men and women have neglected how to behave in each other's presence because of segregation. Basically, everyone has forgotten how to have fun.
The Malays are suffering from an identity and cultural crisis. They are stuck in a time-warp and refuse to move with the times. They lack a strong leader. They have been held back by leaders who do not understand their needs but who were content to use them indiscriminately. Malays have been conditioned to be suspicious of each other and kept in check by fear.
All the Ibrahim Alis, Ahmad Ismails, Ridhuan Tee Abdullahs and racist school-principals of Malaysia are simply 'dark-skinned' neo-Nazis. If these 'pseudo Aryans' believe that 100 percent bumiputera equity, or banishing non-Malays from Malaysia will improve our social and economic outcomes, then their heads need examination.
When their experiment for a 100 percent Malay nation-state fails to lift the rural Malays out of poverty and creates a wider gap between rich and poor Malays, what then? When their ill-conceived 'social-engineering' creates more Malay disunity, who will they blame?
In our Malay Utopia, will Dr Mahathir Mohamad be sent back to Kerala, will Ridhuan Tee be returned to China and will the other 'Indonesian Malays' like Dr Mohd Khir Toyo and Najib Abdul Razak be sent packing?
Tuesday, August 24, 2010
Wednesday, August 11, 2010
马来西亚华人
马来西亚华人痛苦！
何谓马来西亚华人——我们是马来西亚人，但不是马来人，我们是华人，但不是中国人
这篇文章是留学北京大学的何灿浩写的!!
当我刚到中国时，人们问我的第一个问题总是：“你的汉语怎么说得那么好啊？”紧接着“来到中国多说年了？”、“难道是从小学汉语吗？”
场景2
当时我和中文系的辩论队一起看01年的国际大专辩论赛决赛，马来亚大学的三辩提到“日本军在南京大屠杀凌虐我中华妇女”，有位同学问我“你们也提中华妇女吗？”
从我到中国以来，以上的情况遇上了无数遍，于是我很早就想写一篇文章来告诉大家：马来西亚的华人是一个什么样的存在。这个题目很大，我只能从我切身的体会和感受来写这篇文章。
缘起
先用一个大家都熟悉的历史背景来做开场白。1840以来，中国进入了一个动乱的时期。一方面，好些中国人想往外逃窜；另一方面，西方列强想捉苦力到东南亚地区为他们服务。于是，大量的中国人（尤其是福建、广东一带）就散布到东南亚各个地区，其中就包括了马来西亚。
尴尬的存在
当人家问我“你的汉语怎么说得那么好啊？”这么一个简单的问题时，我还真觉得这不是一句话就能解释的问题。最简单的回答就是：“因为我祖先是中国人”，但是有人又会问：“那么为什么好多印尼人就不会说汉语了呢？”问题的复杂之处就在这里。
从迁居到马来西亚，我们的先贤就特别重视中文的教育，通过私塾、宗祠等单位教授三字经、四书五经等教材，后来随着中国教育体制的改革而改革。这个时期，我们的祖先基本上还是以中国人自居，黄花岗七十二烈士就有二十九人是华侨、抗日战争时期全体华侨出钱出力、著名的华侨陈嘉庚创办厦大、集美大学。。。。。。这样的事情不胜枚举。
后来，随着居住马来西亚日久，我们的命运渐渐在这片土地上生了根。从马来西亚（大马）方面来看，我们开始更多地关注大马的政治，与马来族、印度族联手争取从英国的殖民统治中独立。从中国方面来看，周恩来总理提出：华侨应在其居住地生根发芽。但是，不变的是：我们始终坚持自己的母语教育。
在印尼，由于当地华侨没有组成统一的阵线，于是他们不能拥有中文名字、不能庆祝农历新年；在中国人普遍认为完好地传承了中华文化的新加坡，李光耀总理主动地消灭了中文教育，关闭了新加坡唯一以中文为教学媒介的南洋大学，全体人民学习英文，于是目前多数新加坡人的母语是英语。如今，随着中国的崛起，中文的 “经济”价值日益提高，许多东南亚国家才掀起了“汉语热”。唯一的例外是马来西亚，因为我们的先贤从头到尾就没有以“经济”作为考量，而是从“民族文化” 出发。
那么，难道马来西亚就没有遭遇当地政府的阻挠吗？有！而且很大！马来西亚教育终极的目标是：以马来语为唯一的教学媒介语，换言之，华语、淡米尔语的中小学迟早都得消灭。60年代，大马政府规定：只有以马来语为教学媒介语的学校才能获得政府的津贴，于是许多中文中学纷纷改制，变为政府中学。这时，我们的先贤，以林连玉先生为代表，明确地提出：学习母语是每个民族的天赋人权，即使不要一分钱的津贴，我们也要办独立中学！
于是，马来西亚的华文教育保留了下来，华小以及民办的独立中学、学院形成完整的中文教育的体系，甚至创立了“全马来西亚独立中学统一考试”，受全球各高校承认（除了马来西亚的大学），我们基本上就是以这张文凭为基础考进北大的。在这个过程中，多少先贤抛头颅、洒热血，林连玉先生被褫夺公民权、好多人被大马政府关押、无数的民众以自己的血汗钱支持独立中学。
但是，来到中国，没有人知道这一切。不止中国，我相信全世界的人都不知道这一切，不知道被我们称为“族魂”的林连玉，不知道马来西亚的华人用血、汗和泪水来争取母语教育的权利。于是，中国的同学反过来问我们：“为什么你们会说汉语？”时，我真觉得这是巨大的讽刺。
尤其，当中国同学问起我：“为什么你们也说‘中华妇女’？”时------尽管不理智------我还是立时火了：“为什么日军侵袭时，马来西亚的华人要出钱出力？为什么同一年发生缅甸风灾和四川大地震时，我们华人对后者的捐款额要远远大于前者，我们难道就没有资格称自己为‘中华民族’吗？”
当我来到北大的图书馆文学图书时，看着满目的“美国文学”、“印度文学”。。。。。。当我看到“新加坡文学”，而没看到“马来西亚文学”时，我更感到十分凄凉，以至于讽刺。我们浴血抗战，创建了一套完整的中文教育体系，有完整的“马华文学”，而这一切在中华文化的发源地------中国是得不到承认的。反倒是曾经废除过南大的新加坡，由于其更为强大的国势，反而被认为是在海外完整地传承了中华文化的国家。
“尴尬”之处就在于此：努力地捍卫中华文化，不为马来西亚政府承认，亦不为世人所知，里外不是人。这就是马来西亚华人第一种存在：尴尬的存在。
第二、独立的存在
独立的存在，另一个说法是孤立的存在。“马来西亚华人”这个词儿意味着：我们是马来西亚人，但不是马来人（中国朋友最大的误会~囧）；我们是华人，但不是中国人。于是，一种特殊的群体和文化产生了，独立于世界之林。
我们跟其他马来西亚人（例如马来人、印度人）的差别很明显，黄皮肤在一片黑色的人海之中额外显眼，不同的语言、不同的文化。但是，在日常生活中我们相处得十分融洽-------马来人其实真的是很好相处的，什么种族冲突全是政府搞出来的-------整个群体都受到马来族极大的影响，这就铸成了我们好多的共同点，而与他们的这些共同点恰恰就是我们和中国人的相异之处。
最明显的差异就是口头表达。首先是口音，我朋友总说：“看你的时候一点都不像外国人，但你一说话我们就马上知道了。”在辩论赛场上时，我的一口马来腔更是显得极为突兀。所谓马来西亚口音，大概就是广东腔+福建腔，翘舌少、轻声较少（个人认为）、没有儿化、语调趋平。其次是词汇，以中文词汇为主体，再加上各种方言、马来语、英语的词汇，各种语气词“啦”、“咯”、“哄”层出不穷。大家有兴趣的话，可以去百度打“马来西亚VS中国”，马上就能找到许多具体的例子。
但是，我以为：更深层的差距不在嘴巴，而在脑子里。有一次，中文系的徐艺峰师兄领着我们留学生辩论队讨论一个辩题，他最感叹的就是：“如果是跟中国学生讨论，第三个衡量标准一定是‘何者更有利于社会主义的建设’。”看看中国同学的课就知道，什么思修、毛概、邓小平思想、军事理论，这些似乎都离我们的生活很远很远。冷战时期资本主义阵营和社会主义阵营的分家就决定了我们意识形态上的不同。
撇开这个问题不谈，即使同样都继承了中华文化，两地的继承也是有所不同的。在这里，大部分的人都信仰“无神论”。但是，我们那里好多人都还信仰观十八罗汉、观音娘娘、关公、济公、齐天大圣等，不一而足。不止大量的神庙，我们还保留了大量的宗祠、会馆，并且还在华人社区发挥着一定的作用。由于我对中国的现代化进程还算有一定的了解，以上这些还不足以让我惊讶，真正让我吃惊的是中国风气的开放。校内校外，情侣相拥亲吻的情况无所不在，这还真不是我想象中的中国。当然，我们那里也有很开放的人，但是可以肯定的是：马来西亚的华人普遍上要比中国人保守得多（嗯~至少跟我的家乡相比）。
此外，许多大马华人一致公认的是：中国学生真的很多“学术牛人”，大体上比我们那儿的人要勤劳的多。中国人多竞争大，我所认识的每位同学一个个都是从高考的腥风血雨中杀出来的英雄豪杰，他们那股永不言倦的冲劲着实让我们折服。相较而言，马来西亚人则比较慵懒，更倾向于做自己喜欢的事、享受自己的人生。因此，我们玩起来比较放浪形骸，比较不顾形象，大声吵、大声笑、大声闹。
既不是马来人，也不是中国人，我们仿佛就是另一种程度上的混血儿，所以或许我们有点孤单。但是，这或许就是我们独特的优势：既传承了悠久的中华文化，又成长在一个相对宽松自由的舆论环境，想法更自由、更多元。所以，即使我们这个群体在世界上似乎很孤立，但如果让我有机会选择，我仍然愿意出生在马来西亚，当马来西亚的华人。
第三、悲壮的存在
“宝剑锋自磨砺出，梅花香自苦寒来”，这一句俗语在马来西亚人身上得到绝佳的体现。在过去，马来人、华人、印度人曾经联手争取了国家的独立；但是，随着马来人逐渐独掌大权（再注：对马来人的抨击仅限政治人物），华人、印度人的地位也日渐衰弱。首先，马来语成了唯一的官方语言。再来，马来西亚教育的最终目标定为：“使马来语成为唯一的教学媒介语”。
但是，最大的转折点是六、七十年代的“五·一三事件”。由于华人比较刻苦耐劳，比其他的民族来得富有，无形中造成了民族间的矛盾。出于权力斗争的目的，政治人物鼓动马来人屠杀华人。于是，第二任首相敦拉萨借此宣布国家进入“紧急状态”，顺势上台，颁布了一系列不平等的法令。在经济上，每家公司都至少要雇用 30%的土著（其实就是马来人和其他极少部分的少数民族）；在教育上，大学也实施固打制，要保留一定的份额给土著。此外，对中文教育的打压更是变本加厉，影响力最大的就是改制事件，即不以马来语为主要教学媒介语的政府中学都领不到政府一分钱的津贴。
打压归打压，但是马来西亚华人依然在暴风雨中茁壮成长。如第一篇所述，我们发展出了一套完整的中文教育，各领域人才辈出。大家熟知的梁静茹、曹格、光良皆是马来西亚华人；大家现在人手一支的U盘是马来西亚的潘建忠发明的；在华语辩论界上，马来西亚以其犀利的辩风在世界上占有一席之地；如今，马来西亚的十大首富中也大部分是华人。
但是，从这里我们可以看到一些很可悲的现实。大马华人自己创办的独立中学培养了无数英才那又怎样？全世界大部分高等学府都承认我们的统考文凭时，唯有马来西亚政府不承认！马来亚大学在辩坛创出赫赫威名那又怎样？在政府控制下的马来亚大学还曾经试图禁止马大的辩手参赛！梁静茹、潘建忠等辈就更加可悲了，许多人都以为他们是台湾人！潘建忠自己就说过：“如果我留在马来西亚，不可能会有今天的成就。”因为在马来西亚，华人发展的空间有限，报国无门又无法自我实现，不出国发展还能怎样？
于是，马来西亚的华人成长是成长了，可是那跟政府什么毛关系都没有。因为我们政府很慷慨，在全世界都在争夺人才时，我们政府眼看马来西亚出现人才外流的滚滚洪流仍然可以视而不见！在马来西亚大力提倡向外吸纳人才时，去看看，有多少马来西亚的人才在新加坡工作！有一次，我们国家的首相到新加坡访问，探访一间医院时，竟然有一半以上的人用马来语跟他致敬！这是何等的讽刺！
我原本把第三篇命名为“令人骄傲的存在”，可是后来改成了“悲壮”。的确，我们有很傲人的成就。可是，在我们有心报效祖国时，却只能被不公平的政策拒之国门。马来西亚那么一块宝地，没有天灾、资源丰富、文化多样，又居于世界要冲，如果真的有英明的政府，摇身变为世界强国绝非难事！反观新加坡，没有什么自然资源，又是弹丸之地，可是，现在我们只有眼睁睁看着自己的国家成了新加坡的腹地，眼看着从马来西亚分离出去的新加坡一天比一天强大！这种感觉真的很复杂，真的很难以言喻！
谓之“悲壮”，我想应该甚为贴切。
何谓马来西亚华人——我们是马来西亚人，但不是马来人，我们是华人，但不是中国人
这篇文章是留学北京大学的何灿浩写的!!
当我刚到中国时，人们问我的第一个问题总是：“你的汉语怎么说得那么好啊？”紧接着“来到中国多说年了？”、“难道是从小学汉语吗？”
场景2
当时我和中文系的辩论队一起看01年的国际大专辩论赛决赛，马来亚大学的三辩提到“日本军在南京大屠杀凌虐我中华妇女”，有位同学问我“你们也提中华妇女吗？”
从我到中国以来，以上的情况遇上了无数遍，于是我很早就想写一篇文章来告诉大家：马来西亚的华人是一个什么样的存在。这个题目很大，我只能从我切身的体会和感受来写这篇文章。
缘起
先用一个大家都熟悉的历史背景来做开场白。1840以来，中国进入了一个动乱的时期。一方面，好些中国人想往外逃窜；另一方面，西方列强想捉苦力到东南亚地区为他们服务。于是，大量的中国人（尤其是福建、广东一带）就散布到东南亚各个地区，其中就包括了马来西亚。
尴尬的存在
当人家问我“你的汉语怎么说得那么好啊？”这么一个简单的问题时，我还真觉得这不是一句话就能解释的问题。最简单的回答就是：“因为我祖先是中国人”，但是有人又会问：“那么为什么好多印尼人就不会说汉语了呢？”问题的复杂之处就在这里。
从迁居到马来西亚，我们的先贤就特别重视中文的教育，通过私塾、宗祠等单位教授三字经、四书五经等教材，后来随着中国教育体制的改革而改革。这个时期，我们的祖先基本上还是以中国人自居，黄花岗七十二烈士就有二十九人是华侨、抗日战争时期全体华侨出钱出力、著名的华侨陈嘉庚创办厦大、集美大学。。。。。。这样的事情不胜枚举。
后来，随着居住马来西亚日久，我们的命运渐渐在这片土地上生了根。从马来西亚（大马）方面来看，我们开始更多地关注大马的政治，与马来族、印度族联手争取从英国的殖民统治中独立。从中国方面来看，周恩来总理提出：华侨应在其居住地生根发芽。但是，不变的是：我们始终坚持自己的母语教育。
在印尼，由于当地华侨没有组成统一的阵线，于是他们不能拥有中文名字、不能庆祝农历新年；在中国人普遍认为完好地传承了中华文化的新加坡，李光耀总理主动地消灭了中文教育，关闭了新加坡唯一以中文为教学媒介的南洋大学，全体人民学习英文，于是目前多数新加坡人的母语是英语。如今，随着中国的崛起，中文的 “经济”价值日益提高，许多东南亚国家才掀起了“汉语热”。唯一的例外是马来西亚，因为我们的先贤从头到尾就没有以“经济”作为考量，而是从“民族文化” 出发。
那么，难道马来西亚就没有遭遇当地政府的阻挠吗？有！而且很大！马来西亚教育终极的目标是：以马来语为唯一的教学媒介语，换言之，华语、淡米尔语的中小学迟早都得消灭。60年代，大马政府规定：只有以马来语为教学媒介语的学校才能获得政府的津贴，于是许多中文中学纷纷改制，变为政府中学。这时，我们的先贤，以林连玉先生为代表，明确地提出：学习母语是每个民族的天赋人权，即使不要一分钱的津贴，我们也要办独立中学！
于是，马来西亚的华文教育保留了下来，华小以及民办的独立中学、学院形成完整的中文教育的体系，甚至创立了“全马来西亚独立中学统一考试”，受全球各高校承认（除了马来西亚的大学），我们基本上就是以这张文凭为基础考进北大的。在这个过程中，多少先贤抛头颅、洒热血，林连玉先生被褫夺公民权、好多人被大马政府关押、无数的民众以自己的血汗钱支持独立中学。
但是，来到中国，没有人知道这一切。不止中国，我相信全世界的人都不知道这一切，不知道被我们称为“族魂”的林连玉，不知道马来西亚的华人用血、汗和泪水来争取母语教育的权利。于是，中国的同学反过来问我们：“为什么你们会说汉语？”时，我真觉得这是巨大的讽刺。
尤其，当中国同学问起我：“为什么你们也说‘中华妇女’？”时------尽管不理智------我还是立时火了：“为什么日军侵袭时，马来西亚的华人要出钱出力？为什么同一年发生缅甸风灾和四川大地震时，我们华人对后者的捐款额要远远大于前者，我们难道就没有资格称自己为‘中华民族’吗？”
当我来到北大的图书馆文学图书时，看着满目的“美国文学”、“印度文学”。。。。。。当我看到“新加坡文学”，而没看到“马来西亚文学”时，我更感到十分凄凉，以至于讽刺。我们浴血抗战，创建了一套完整的中文教育体系，有完整的“马华文学”，而这一切在中华文化的发源地------中国是得不到承认的。反倒是曾经废除过南大的新加坡，由于其更为强大的国势，反而被认为是在海外完整地传承了中华文化的国家。
“尴尬”之处就在于此：努力地捍卫中华文化，不为马来西亚政府承认，亦不为世人所知，里外不是人。这就是马来西亚华人第一种存在：尴尬的存在。
第二、独立的存在
独立的存在，另一个说法是孤立的存在。“马来西亚华人”这个词儿意味着：我们是马来西亚人，但不是马来人（中国朋友最大的误会~囧）；我们是华人，但不是中国人。于是，一种特殊的群体和文化产生了，独立于世界之林。
我们跟其他马来西亚人（例如马来人、印度人）的差别很明显，黄皮肤在一片黑色的人海之中额外显眼，不同的语言、不同的文化。但是，在日常生活中我们相处得十分融洽-------马来人其实真的是很好相处的，什么种族冲突全是政府搞出来的-------整个群体都受到马来族极大的影响，这就铸成了我们好多的共同点，而与他们的这些共同点恰恰就是我们和中国人的相异之处。
最明显的差异就是口头表达。首先是口音，我朋友总说：“看你的时候一点都不像外国人，但你一说话我们就马上知道了。”在辩论赛场上时，我的一口马来腔更是显得极为突兀。所谓马来西亚口音，大概就是广东腔+福建腔，翘舌少、轻声较少（个人认为）、没有儿化、语调趋平。其次是词汇，以中文词汇为主体，再加上各种方言、马来语、英语的词汇，各种语气词“啦”、“咯”、“哄”层出不穷。大家有兴趣的话，可以去百度打“马来西亚VS中国”，马上就能找到许多具体的例子。
但是，我以为：更深层的差距不在嘴巴，而在脑子里。有一次，中文系的徐艺峰师兄领着我们留学生辩论队讨论一个辩题，他最感叹的就是：“如果是跟中国学生讨论，第三个衡量标准一定是‘何者更有利于社会主义的建设’。”看看中国同学的课就知道，什么思修、毛概、邓小平思想、军事理论，这些似乎都离我们的生活很远很远。冷战时期资本主义阵营和社会主义阵营的分家就决定了我们意识形态上的不同。
撇开这个问题不谈，即使同样都继承了中华文化，两地的继承也是有所不同的。在这里，大部分的人都信仰“无神论”。但是，我们那里好多人都还信仰观十八罗汉、观音娘娘、关公、济公、齐天大圣等，不一而足。不止大量的神庙，我们还保留了大量的宗祠、会馆，并且还在华人社区发挥着一定的作用。由于我对中国的现代化进程还算有一定的了解，以上这些还不足以让我惊讶，真正让我吃惊的是中国风气的开放。校内校外，情侣相拥亲吻的情况无所不在，这还真不是我想象中的中国。当然，我们那里也有很开放的人，但是可以肯定的是：马来西亚的华人普遍上要比中国人保守得多（嗯~至少跟我的家乡相比）。
此外，许多大马华人一致公认的是：中国学生真的很多“学术牛人”，大体上比我们那儿的人要勤劳的多。中国人多竞争大，我所认识的每位同学一个个都是从高考的腥风血雨中杀出来的英雄豪杰，他们那股永不言倦的冲劲着实让我们折服。相较而言，马来西亚人则比较慵懒，更倾向于做自己喜欢的事、享受自己的人生。因此，我们玩起来比较放浪形骸，比较不顾形象，大声吵、大声笑、大声闹。
既不是马来人，也不是中国人，我们仿佛就是另一种程度上的混血儿，所以或许我们有点孤单。但是，这或许就是我们独特的优势：既传承了悠久的中华文化，又成长在一个相对宽松自由的舆论环境，想法更自由、更多元。所以，即使我们这个群体在世界上似乎很孤立，但如果让我有机会选择，我仍然愿意出生在马来西亚，当马来西亚的华人。
第三、悲壮的存在
“宝剑锋自磨砺出，梅花香自苦寒来”，这一句俗语在马来西亚人身上得到绝佳的体现。在过去，马来人、华人、印度人曾经联手争取了国家的独立；但是，随着马来人逐渐独掌大权（再注：对马来人的抨击仅限政治人物），华人、印度人的地位也日渐衰弱。首先，马来语成了唯一的官方语言。再来，马来西亚教育的最终目标定为：“使马来语成为唯一的教学媒介语”。
但是，最大的转折点是六、七十年代的“五·一三事件”。由于华人比较刻苦耐劳，比其他的民族来得富有，无形中造成了民族间的矛盾。出于权力斗争的目的，政治人物鼓动马来人屠杀华人。于是，第二任首相敦拉萨借此宣布国家进入“紧急状态”，顺势上台，颁布了一系列不平等的法令。在经济上，每家公司都至少要雇用 30%的土著（其实就是马来人和其他极少部分的少数民族）；在教育上，大学也实施固打制，要保留一定的份额给土著。此外，对中文教育的打压更是变本加厉，影响力最大的就是改制事件，即不以马来语为主要教学媒介语的政府中学都领不到政府一分钱的津贴。
打压归打压，但是马来西亚华人依然在暴风雨中茁壮成长。如第一篇所述，我们发展出了一套完整的中文教育，各领域人才辈出。大家熟知的梁静茹、曹格、光良皆是马来西亚华人；大家现在人手一支的U盘是马来西亚的潘建忠发明的；在华语辩论界上，马来西亚以其犀利的辩风在世界上占有一席之地；如今，马来西亚的十大首富中也大部分是华人。
但是，从这里我们可以看到一些很可悲的现实。大马华人自己创办的独立中学培养了无数英才那又怎样？全世界大部分高等学府都承认我们的统考文凭时，唯有马来西亚政府不承认！马来亚大学在辩坛创出赫赫威名那又怎样？在政府控制下的马来亚大学还曾经试图禁止马大的辩手参赛！梁静茹、潘建忠等辈就更加可悲了，许多人都以为他们是台湾人！潘建忠自己就说过：“如果我留在马来西亚，不可能会有今天的成就。”因为在马来西亚，华人发展的空间有限，报国无门又无法自我实现，不出国发展还能怎样？
于是，马来西亚的华人成长是成长了，可是那跟政府什么毛关系都没有。因为我们政府很慷慨，在全世界都在争夺人才时，我们政府眼看马来西亚出现人才外流的滚滚洪流仍然可以视而不见！在马来西亚大力提倡向外吸纳人才时，去看看，有多少马来西亚的人才在新加坡工作！有一次，我们国家的首相到新加坡访问，探访一间医院时，竟然有一半以上的人用马来语跟他致敬！这是何等的讽刺！
我原本把第三篇命名为“令人骄傲的存在”，可是后来改成了“悲壮”。的确，我们有很傲人的成就。可是，在我们有心报效祖国时，却只能被不公平的政策拒之国门。马来西亚那么一块宝地，没有天灾、资源丰富、文化多样，又居于世界要冲，如果真的有英明的政府，摇身变为世界强国绝非难事！反观新加坡，没有什么自然资源，又是弹丸之地，可是，现在我们只有眼睁睁看着自己的国家成了新加坡的腹地，眼看着从马来西亚分离出去的新加坡一天比一天强大！这种感觉真的很复杂，真的很难以言喻！
谓之“悲壮”，我想应该甚为贴切。
Monday, August 9, 2010
Criminal bullying of the poor into Islam
Helen Ang
Aug 5, 10
12:50pm
Share 0Malaysia is aiming for yet another world record. We may have had a 15-month-old Indian baby ostensibly able to recite in Arabic the kalimah syahadah or affirmation of faith - 'There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is His messenger'.
Yesterday the Penang High Court denied S Banggarma's application to quash her so-called conversion to Islam. Below are the dates as to Malaysia's possible claim for an unparalleled child prodigy:
•Aug 1982: Banggarma's date of birth
•Nov 1983: Conversion (I) to Islam in Pahang*
•?? Placed in Ramakrishna orphanage
•1987 or 1990? Moved to Taman Bakti orphanage
•Dec 1989: Conversion (II) to Islam in Penang
* disputed
Aug 5, 10
12:50pm
Share 0Malaysia is aiming for yet another world record. We may have had a 15-month-old Indian baby ostensibly able to recite in Arabic the kalimah syahadah or affirmation of faith - 'There is no God but Allah and Muhammad is His messenger'.
Yesterday the Penang High Court denied S Banggarma's application to quash her so-called conversion to Islam. Below are the dates as to Malaysia's possible claim for an unparalleled child prodigy:
•Aug 1982: Banggarma's date of birth
•Nov 1983: Conversion (I) to Islam in Pahang*
•?? Placed in Ramakrishna orphanage
•1987 or 1990? Moved to Taman Bakti orphanage
•Dec 1989: Conversion (II) to Islam in Penang
* disputed
Banggarma is a 28-year-old homemaker challenging the validity of the conversion certificate made out in her name. The authorities have put forward a claim that Banggarma's parents converted themselves and their children to Islam in November 1983 in Rompin, Pahang. Yesterday, the court pronounced itself satisfied that this was indeed the case.
On the other hand, Banggarma is holding Perkim officer Raimi Abdullah responsible for her conversion after he took her away from Ramakrishna orphanage. She has named him as well as Perkim president Mahathir Mohamad as defendants in her suit.
Welfare department director-general Meme Zainal Rashid stated that Banggarma was placed in a home (Rumah Kanak-Kanak Taman Bakti in Kepala Batas, Penang) from March 1990 by court order “after she was found wandering aimlessly in Sungai Petani, Kedah”. This claim is disputed by Banggarma who believes that she was transferred to the home in 1987 together with her siblings.
Banggarma's lawyer has produced her conversion certificate. The inference is that it does not make sense for an individual to be converted twice. Hence, her infant conversion alleged by the Penang Islamic Religious Council is questionable.
Furthermore any conversion at the ages of eight and/or one-plus was clearly neither of Banggarma's own free will.
Making 1Malaysia 1Islam
In fact, Banggarma's 1989 conversion looks to be ethically fraudulent. What kind of sick, twisted mind did the Muslim zealots have who tricked a child into it?
Banggarma has refuted the claim by the Penang Islamic Religious Council that it was her father who converted to Islam in 1983. She was reported in the Star (Nov 25, 2009) as saying: “Three of my siblings were placed in the welfare home along with me and we all have conversion certificates dated Dec 28, 1989. How could my father have converted us in 1983 when my sister was not even born?”
Thus the contention by Penang Islamic Religious Council president Shabudin Yahaya that the later certificate was to “reconfirm Banggarma's [earlier] conversion” sounds dubious.
One would also ask Shabudin whether the function of a government-run orphanage is to protect children or to proselytise to them.
However, it appears that Mashitah Ibrahim, deputy minister in charge of Islamic affairs, has already addressed this very issue last year. She was quoted in The Sun (Nov 22, 2009) as commending the orphanage for taking the initiative to preach on Islam. In the context of Banggarma's conversion, Mashitah said it was the responsibility of the orphanage to then bring up the child according to true Islamic teachings.
It is obvious that Banggarma's guardians failed dismally in the task. Banggarma has declared that she will battle to the end to profess her Hindu faith. “I was born a Hindu so I will die a Hindu.”
It is a basket-case country that insists on handcuffing someone under such circumstances to Islam. And they want to throw away the key too; Banggarma has been told that she must seek remedy in the Syariah Court.
Aside from leaving Banggarma in legal limbo, the state has also deprived her children of their father's name in their birth certificates as well as made it impossible for Banggarma and S. Sockalingam to register their marriage.
Force-feeding bitter medicine
The Little Mullah Napoleons have been rampaging like a many-headed hydra. Malaysians, particularly the non-Muslims, have been too timid all this while to subdue the creature.
Some Bangsa Malaysia First-ers - in their asinine desire to be seen as politically correct and endearing multiculturalists - have shouted down the alarm bells ringing out the untrammelled Islamisation of our country.
Islam is forced on the weak and the vulnerable. The child Banggarma recalled how she attended Muslim prayer sessions along with the other children in the home.
Human Rights Party pro-tem secretary-general P Uthayakumar (right) cited an episode in 2007 where a 17-year-old Hindu youth studying in a residential vocational school was “pressured and brainwashed” to convert to Islam.
Bernama reported last November that Jakim, the Malaysian Islamic Development Department, placed 200 officers in orang asli settlements nationwide to “educate” the fringe community on Islam. Jakim is an agency under the Prime Minister's Department (PMD).
Bukit Bendera MP Liew Chin Tong revealed that according to federal budget estimates, PMD has a total budgetary outlay of RM12.1 billion for this year alone. Its minister Nazri Aziz told Parliament in reply to a question that PMD presently has a staff of 43,544 after hiring 25,332 people last year.
Given the huge numbers on their payroll and PMD's generous cash flow, the 200 Jakim officers sent to preach to the orang asli is peanuts in terms of expenditure - ultimately borne by the hapless taxpayer. For more details on the other Islamic agencies and statutory bodies under PMD, please refer my earlier Malaysiakini articles (see listing on top right of page).
On how the bureaucracy uses NEP-like means and methods to coax and coerce the minorities into embracing Islam, read my latest CPI article 'Enforcing NEP on minority religions'.
This is M'sia today
A recent Merdeka Center survey of voters to gauge public attitudes is sobering for its illumination on the religious values held by Malaysians. The centre's mid-July findings were drawn from 3,141 adult respondents. These were representative of Malaysia's ethnic ratio and interviewed between January and April 2010.
Below is my summary of segments of the report:
Merdeka Center found 13 percent of the electorate to be True Believers, of which 82 percent, quite naturally, think hudud should be implemented. It may surprise you somewhat that 67 percent of them are urban dwellers.
The second cluster (15 percent of the electorate) is the Accommodative Working Class of whom many are civil servants; 83 percent say religion is very important; 81% disapprove of co-habitation before marriage.
The third cluster (57 percent non-bumiputera) is the Disgruntled White Collar Worker. They are pro-Pakatan; 33 percent say religion is not important while 43 percent believe it all right for a couple to live together without any intention of getting married.
The fourth cluster is the Insecure Underclass (82 percent bumiputera/46 percent rural). Half the Malays in this group think “the non-Malays are trying to take over the country”; 74 percent agree to hudud.
The fifth cluster is the Pro-establishment Working Class (17 percent of the electorate/98 percent bumiputera). Religion is very important to them and a whopping 96 percent identify themselves according to faith affiliation. They support Malay unity under Umno.
The sixth cluster, the Partisan Underclass (13 percent of the electorate), has high trust in the BN/Umno government. Their education is 73 percent secondary school level and below; 87 percent say religion is important and one has to be religious to be moral.
The seventh and final cluster is the Disenchanted Bystanders (16 percent of the electorate/55 percent non-bumiputera). Politically they “lean slightly” to Pakatan; 73 percent feel they are unfairly treated (presumably by the system); 30 percent are of the opinion that religion is not important among the non-Malays.
One might take the Merdeka Center survey results to imply that Malaysia has overall become a highly religious country. Those who are less religiously inclined or less observant of faith rituals are in the minority.
If you - who are few - disagree with the treatment meted out to Banggarma, you'd better stop sitting on your hands and pretending to 'hear no evil, speak no evil'. Burying your head in the sand doesn't mean trouble won't come find you for something or other, sometime or other.
Enforcing NEP on minority religions
Written by Helen Ang
Wednesday, 04 August 2010 19:20
A football analogy of religion in Malaysia will be this:
The Ketuanan Melayu-Islam (KMI) team has on the pitch 11 players. The opposing team, the Minorities, fields 5 players – this ratio follows the Ibrahim Ali formula of 67% bumiputera representation, albeit appropriating the Christian native and pribumi animist share.
The referee is the KMI team manager, and the linesmen, the KMI club president and treasurer.
The goalmouth on the KMI side is 8 yards wide and goalpost 8 feet high. On the Minorities side, the corresponding dimensions are 30% extra at 10.5 yards/10.5 feet, thereby giving KMI strikers an advantage in chances for scoring. Furthermore, the Minorities goalkeeper is permitted to keep goal with only one hand.
Before kick-off, a ‘let’ is given by handicapping the Minorities three goals. The duration of play is 30 minutes each half, reduced by a quarter of an hour in keeping with NEP affirmative action.
If after the final whistle the scorecard still shows the Minorities ahead, the match will automatically go into extra time. If KMI fails to equalize despite the extended play, they will be accorded five penalty kicks. And if KMI still proceeds to lose despite the rules of the game deliberately crippling their opponent, the KMI fans will riot and burn down the stadium.
Does the football hooliganism allusion have any basis? The Shah Alam cow-head oafs and the church arson indicate, yes. The fact that the Mazu ‘Goddess of the Sea’ statue cannot be erected in Kudat, Sabah shows there is no level playing field.
Without any fair play, the conduct of the game then hinges on ‘toleration’, that is, the extent to which fundamentalist Muslims can tolerate the notion of pluralism in the matter of religious verities. Reciprocally, at what point would Muslim insistence on Islam as the sole divine truth make life too intolerable for the dhimmi?
Reaching breaking point
If I were to do some storekeeping, what’s ‘mine’ as non-Malay, non-Muslim is very scant. Small roadside shrines constructed under trees, faux churches in shoplots or looking like factory buildings and YMCA complexes (the rebuilt and recent completed Metro Tabernacle church is one example), temples in terrace houses. What’s ‘yours’ is magnificent and everywhere.
Not only do ‘you’ get free public expression of Islam, you also receive overflowing public funds. I needn’t delve into details; it’s not like most people don’t already know.
To further my football analogy, let’s take the junior league. One aspect of our religious NEP is the restriction on non-Muslim fellowship in schools. Conversely, there is no restriction on Kelab Islam.
Banning non-Muslim religious societies is like forbidding the stepchildren from being taught football and depriving them of footie practice in the school field.
While other religions are kept off the timetable, Islamic Studies is an integral component of the syllabus. It is mandatory for Malay students to take the paper in public exams.
In some schools, doa (Muslim prayer) is recited weekly during assembly. However, if a Christian, Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist prayer were ever recited in a gathering where Malay pupils are present, there will be uproar.
In some former mission schools (now become national school), crosses and icons of Virgin Mary and other saints have been removed by the new principals. And perhaps chapels closed down too. There have been incidents of teachers confiscating crucifixes and other religious symbols worn by pupils.
Why do you think that more than 90 percent of Chinese parents see no choice but to shield their children from the sekolah kebangsaan system? If I were a mother, I would never wish to subject my vulnerable child to a bellicose environment where my race, and the traditions and faith beliefs I’ve imparted to my son or daughter are disparaged.
In national school, even should my offspring be lucky enough to dodge any active proselytization, there is not escaping the Islamized climate that favours one party and discriminates against the other.
If you try to tell a Malay about another religion other than the one he was born into, you are guilty of a crime punishable with jail. Christian literature is required by law to carry a disclaimer ‘for non-Muslims only’. The Muslim is perfectly free to persuade you that his religion is best. You’re hard pressed to rebut, particularly when – for instance – the bible cannot be published and printed in the national language locally.
When you try bringing imported religious material through customs, these Christian CDs and bibles in Bahasa Indonesia are confiscated. Books on comparative religion are banned, even Karen Armstrong’s innocuous ‘The History of God’.
Where are we headed?
Circulars issued by the Education Departments and directives interpreted (if not further extended in scope) by Little Napoleons result in the alienation of non-Muslim pupils. Were the controversies in the Klang High School, and other schools in other states merely isolated episodes? I’m more inclined to see a determined NEP pattern arising from the powerful institutional forces of Islam at work.
There have been children who were converted during their schooldays. The Susie Teoh case was one that made legal history. Susie was formally instructed in Islam without the knowledge and consent of her father. The authorities made her a ward of the state until she was almost of age to legally convert to Islam. Another case is S Banggarma converted as in child in an orphanage.
Ahmed Burhan Tee Abdullah, who is the younger brother of controversial Utusan columnist Ridhuan Tee, gave an illuminating account of his introduction to Islam in a ‘Bicara Agama’ column of the same newspaper. There was no compulsion insofar as Burhan was concerned; it was his own heart’s desire.
Nonetheless, some points crop up in hearing Burhan’s narrative. He recalled how the ustaz in his school was able to answer “clearly and logically” the questions posed by him as a child whereas to his disappointment, Mr and Mrs Tee failed to satisfactorily explain the significance of religious rituals inherited and practiced by the Chinese.
Granted we are not acquainted with the Tee family faith practices. But taking a more general view, can you fault Chinese or Indian or Orang Asli for not being able to provide adequate spiritual guidance to their children when they themselves are religiously oppressed by the state?
On the one hand, Islamisation pervades every cubic inch of air we breathe in Malaysia.
On the other hand, other religions are suppressed. One infamous incident occurred in 2004 at Christmas where the Selangor Sultan and assorted cabinet ministers were invited guests. At this official function, hymns mentioning Jesus could not be sung.
A person like Lina Joy cannot safely reside in Malaysia. A youth bearing the name Ali bin Bakar on his Mykad made front page news in a national paper because he is Buddhist – such a shocking, sensational revelation!
Those who can among the minorities have elected to emigrate rather than challenge the NEP. The pro-Malay policy that was to have ended in 1990 is prolonged under various guises and set to continue into the distant future.
It will be the same for religion. NEP yielded Ketuanan Melayu; NEP phase II yields Ketuanan Islam. For its poster boy, Ridhuan Tee is the face. But look too at the state sanctioned structures and processes that facilitate the creation of such a convert.
Converts are even paid money by the state when they embrace Islam. When a ‘victory’ or human souls are won by NEP-like means, how honorable is that?
Wednesday, 04 August 2010 19:20
A football analogy of religion in Malaysia will be this:
The Ketuanan Melayu-Islam (KMI) team has on the pitch 11 players. The opposing team, the Minorities, fields 5 players – this ratio follows the Ibrahim Ali formula of 67% bumiputera representation, albeit appropriating the Christian native and pribumi animist share.
The referee is the KMI team manager, and the linesmen, the KMI club president and treasurer.
The goalmouth on the KMI side is 8 yards wide and goalpost 8 feet high. On the Minorities side, the corresponding dimensions are 30% extra at 10.5 yards/10.5 feet, thereby giving KMI strikers an advantage in chances for scoring. Furthermore, the Minorities goalkeeper is permitted to keep goal with only one hand.
Before kick-off, a ‘let’ is given by handicapping the Minorities three goals. The duration of play is 30 minutes each half, reduced by a quarter of an hour in keeping with NEP affirmative action.
If after the final whistle the scorecard still shows the Minorities ahead, the match will automatically go into extra time. If KMI fails to equalize despite the extended play, they will be accorded five penalty kicks. And if KMI still proceeds to lose despite the rules of the game deliberately crippling their opponent, the KMI fans will riot and burn down the stadium.
Does the football hooliganism allusion have any basis? The Shah Alam cow-head oafs and the church arson indicate, yes. The fact that the Mazu ‘Goddess of the Sea’ statue cannot be erected in Kudat, Sabah shows there is no level playing field.
Without any fair play, the conduct of the game then hinges on ‘toleration’, that is, the extent to which fundamentalist Muslims can tolerate the notion of pluralism in the matter of religious verities. Reciprocally, at what point would Muslim insistence on Islam as the sole divine truth make life too intolerable for the dhimmi?
Reaching breaking point
If I were to do some storekeeping, what’s ‘mine’ as non-Malay, non-Muslim is very scant. Small roadside shrines constructed under trees, faux churches in shoplots or looking like factory buildings and YMCA complexes (the rebuilt and recent completed Metro Tabernacle church is one example), temples in terrace houses. What’s ‘yours’ is magnificent and everywhere.
Not only do ‘you’ get free public expression of Islam, you also receive overflowing public funds. I needn’t delve into details; it’s not like most people don’t already know.
To further my football analogy, let’s take the junior league. One aspect of our religious NEP is the restriction on non-Muslim fellowship in schools. Conversely, there is no restriction on Kelab Islam.
Banning non-Muslim religious societies is like forbidding the stepchildren from being taught football and depriving them of footie practice in the school field.
While other religions are kept off the timetable, Islamic Studies is an integral component of the syllabus. It is mandatory for Malay students to take the paper in public exams.
In some schools, doa (Muslim prayer) is recited weekly during assembly. However, if a Christian, Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist prayer were ever recited in a gathering where Malay pupils are present, there will be uproar.
In some former mission schools (now become national school), crosses and icons of Virgin Mary and other saints have been removed by the new principals. And perhaps chapels closed down too. There have been incidents of teachers confiscating crucifixes and other religious symbols worn by pupils.
Why do you think that more than 90 percent of Chinese parents see no choice but to shield their children from the sekolah kebangsaan system? If I were a mother, I would never wish to subject my vulnerable child to a bellicose environment where my race, and the traditions and faith beliefs I’ve imparted to my son or daughter are disparaged.
In national school, even should my offspring be lucky enough to dodge any active proselytization, there is not escaping the Islamized climate that favours one party and discriminates against the other.
If you try to tell a Malay about another religion other than the one he was born into, you are guilty of a crime punishable with jail. Christian literature is required by law to carry a disclaimer ‘for non-Muslims only’. The Muslim is perfectly free to persuade you that his religion is best. You’re hard pressed to rebut, particularly when – for instance – the bible cannot be published and printed in the national language locally.
When you try bringing imported religious material through customs, these Christian CDs and bibles in Bahasa Indonesia are confiscated. Books on comparative religion are banned, even Karen Armstrong’s innocuous ‘The History of God’.
Where are we headed?
Circulars issued by the Education Departments and directives interpreted (if not further extended in scope) by Little Napoleons result in the alienation of non-Muslim pupils. Were the controversies in the Klang High School, and other schools in other states merely isolated episodes? I’m more inclined to see a determined NEP pattern arising from the powerful institutional forces of Islam at work.
There have been children who were converted during their schooldays. The Susie Teoh case was one that made legal history. Susie was formally instructed in Islam without the knowledge and consent of her father. The authorities made her a ward of the state until she was almost of age to legally convert to Islam. Another case is S Banggarma converted as in child in an orphanage.
Ahmed Burhan Tee Abdullah, who is the younger brother of controversial Utusan columnist Ridhuan Tee, gave an illuminating account of his introduction to Islam in a ‘Bicara Agama’ column of the same newspaper. There was no compulsion insofar as Burhan was concerned; it was his own heart’s desire.
Nonetheless, some points crop up in hearing Burhan’s narrative. He recalled how the ustaz in his school was able to answer “clearly and logically” the questions posed by him as a child whereas to his disappointment, Mr and Mrs Tee failed to satisfactorily explain the significance of religious rituals inherited and practiced by the Chinese.
Granted we are not acquainted with the Tee family faith practices. But taking a more general view, can you fault Chinese or Indian or Orang Asli for not being able to provide adequate spiritual guidance to their children when they themselves are religiously oppressed by the state?
On the one hand, Islamisation pervades every cubic inch of air we breathe in Malaysia.
On the other hand, other religions are suppressed. One infamous incident occurred in 2004 at Christmas where the Selangor Sultan and assorted cabinet ministers were invited guests. At this official function, hymns mentioning Jesus could not be sung.
A person like Lina Joy cannot safely reside in Malaysia. A youth bearing the name Ali bin Bakar on his Mykad made front page news in a national paper because he is Buddhist – such a shocking, sensational revelation!
Those who can among the minorities have elected to emigrate rather than challenge the NEP. The pro-Malay policy that was to have ended in 1990 is prolonged under various guises and set to continue into the distant future.
It will be the same for religion. NEP yielded Ketuanan Melayu; NEP phase II yields Ketuanan Islam. For its poster boy, Ridhuan Tee is the face. But look too at the state sanctioned structures and processes that facilitate the creation of such a convert.
Converts are even paid money by the state when they embrace Islam. When a ‘victory’ or human souls are won by NEP-like means, how honorable is that?
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